Meeting Notes: Anna Hazare and Sharmila Irom

By Chitra Ahanthem

It was 1997, the year India was marking her 50th year of Independence. There would have been many celebrations of this momentous occasion but only one unique observation of this historical timeline stays on with me: a NGO based in Mumbai was taking about 250 young people from India and across the world to places of India’s history and future in a train specially reserved for the purpose! The announcement was made on a popular cultural TV program (which we don’t see the likes of now) called Surabhi beamed on Doordarshan and various other newspapers. It was a happy moment when I got confirmation that I was to be one of the said young people on the train that would ultimately travel for 11 days across the country facilitating interactions with people who were inspiring: Mark Tully, Abdul Kalam (then with ISRO and who talked us then of the possibility of an Indian moon mission which did become a reality!), Bunker Roy of Tillonia (married to Aruna Roy and behind hugely successful rural enterprises, water harvesting, adult literacy among others in Tillonia in Rajashthan), Kiran Bedi (much before her controversial stint in Mizoram) and Anna Hazare who was known at that point of time mostly for his pioneering work in Ralegan Siddhi, a village in Ahmednagar district, Maharashtra.

The said rail yatra was mainly organized to instill in young people the essence of leadership, innovation and social development. The routine was that we would be traveling in the train non-stop till we reached the places we were meant to be and then getting back to the train for the night. So, there was an air of curiosity when we were told that we would have an overnight stay at Ralegan Siddhi to meet a Gandhian who had taken up rural conservation and community work. The villagers took us around the place and we were told how small canals had been dug up to generate water flow. But it was two things that impressed me greatly: a school for juvenile children and the practice of Shramdaan or volunteer work as a form of social charity. The school had classrooms but if the children so wanted, classes would be held under the shade of trees in the open. There were yoga classes for “anger management” while most constructions in the village: the small dams, solar panels, wells, places of worship were all built through Shramdaan.

In the evening, we sat in a community hall and then, in walked Anna who spoke of his “second life” (he was the lone survivor during an enemy attack during an India-Pakistan war). We talked then mostly of philosophy and working for social upliftment. Like many of my fellow yatris, we thought nothing much about questioning his rigid stand against alcoholics (they were beaten up, period) and I even piped in my two bit and told him how Nishabandi women in Manipur were also doing the same! It would take me some years to understand the concept of public health and harm reduction and see that the greater crime of punitive measures on substance abusers only marginalizes them and do nothing about addressing the dependency. Anna Hazare’s activism against corruption started later and one cannot say much of what happened in between. But personally, the posturing Anna that one sees on TV (wagging fingers and dictating terms) is a very different person from the Anna I met all those years ago. The Anna then actually asked us young people on what we thought he should incorporate more into his work in his village in terms of forest and water conservation etc. The Anna one gets to see now refuses any kind of disagreement with his thoughts and beliefs.

November 2000 and a young woman called Irom Sharmila decided to fast to protest after 10 civillians were gunned down at Malom. My first reaction then (and I am/ not ashamed to own up to this now) was that it would be some token fast. Some days later, there was the “fast against AFSPA till the act is taken off” context and I thought that hers was an illogical/irrational and totally crazy stand to take. I also shrugged it off as “some group must be behind her” motive. I totally bought the “AFSPA is necessary till there are insurgents” theory for quite a long time till my own readings on militarism and armed conflicts around the world and conflict resolution/reconciliation processes made me sit up and engage in some serious questioning.

The first meeting happened in March 2009 during her customary yearly release. It was total chaos: there was a meeting of over 50 odd woman journalists from all over the country happening in Imphal and they all wanted to meet her. And then, there was the usual local media attention too. The first meeting was more of a brief sighting especially since I did not believe I needed to add my own questions to the many that were being addressed to her.

The second meeting happened in a unique setting: something that I have only shared with a few friends but one that can be let out in the public domain now. January 2010 saw me with very high fever after a trip to Bangkok and my Uncle, a doctor asked me to get a swine flu test done. Since he was with Jawarlal Nehru hospital then, I went there. Those who follow news would be aware that I was tested positive for swine flu but much before that news broke, I was raising hell over the state of the isolation ward at the hospital. What I did not want to call attention to the media then was that while I was standing outside the isolation ward with the face mask on, waiting for hospital staff to find the keys to the room (they took about an hour and a half!) I saw a familiar figure some 10 metres away from me. It was Sharmila Irom! My heart plummeted inside me: here was this one person I wanted to talk with and I was supposedly at risk of an infection that I could pass on to her. I have a small face and the mask covered most of it and I saw Iche Sharmila looking quizzically at me. I rolled my eyes at her and hoped that she would not come near (I did not want to be responsible for her health!). When eventually, my test results came in positive, I wasn’t too worried about my own health (I did not take Tamiflu medication) or my family (they did not have any fever) but I obsessively kept an ear open for any news on Sharmila’s health!

In May 2010, I got third time lucky and I had a long meeting with Iche Sharmila. I was going along as a sort of translator for a journalist and writer. We talked mostly of non-political issues: of her books and poetry we talked at great length. And then she took both my hands and said solemnly, “remember when you were at this hospital with your mask on?” And then she laughed and told me, “you don’t know the amount of activity and consternation that happened here after you left!” There was no air of moral superiority following the status of icon-hood that has settled on her: I was face to face with a unique person yes but also a normal human being, a young woman kept in isolation but very aware of the world around her.

End-point:
Many people have pitched Anna Hazare’s crusade against corruption and Sharmila Irom’s stand against AFSPA. But their stands are different and the battlefield totally apart from each other. My own interaction with both of them happened at different times and stages of their journey. But what stays on following my interactions with Iche Sharmila are the little ways in which she is so much a person than an icon. It is something that one does not get to see in other people who take on the mantle of greatness.

India's Anna Hazare, from village activist to national campaigner

 

Anna Hazare started out as a grass-roots activist in Ralegan Siddhi, but now he is an anti-corruption crusader tackling the Indian political establishment. His supporters believe he will win.

By Mark Magnier, Los Angeles Times

September 4, 2011

Reporting from Ralegan Siddhi, India—

Suman Gaikwad's husband had a drinking problem, as did many other farmers in this small village where, in the late 1970s, dozens of shops sold fruit wine and other home brews. Back then, domestic abuse was common and families went hungry if their men diverted money to buy booze and cigarettes.

Things changed, though, when squat, burly Anna Hazare returned from the army, determined to uplift the community.

Hazare ("Anna" is a local honorific meaning elder brother) took it upon himself to introduce an unusual policy in cooperation with village elders: He seized Gaikwad's husband, she said, lashed him to a metal pole in the square and whipped him with a belt. Before long, smoking and drinking were banned and dozens of hooch sellers driven out of business.

"We're happy Anna Hazare did this," Gaikwad said, a few feet from the pole, which is no longer used for anything but holding up wires. "Now there's no drinking, and no trouble. My husband left after and didn't come back."

The self-styled anti-graft activist, who confounded the Indian political establishment with a 13-day fast last month aimed at pressuring Parliament to pass his version of an anti-corruption law, has been called many things. But few accuse him of lacking focus or determination, qualities he'll need for his next challenge: holding Parliament to its word and tackling electoral reform and farmers' rights.

Born of humble roots in this village three hours' drive from Mumbai and now in his 70s, Kisan Baburao Hazare attracted tens of thousands of people to his public fast in New Delhi, many frustrated over having to pay bribes for a variety of services, such as issuing a passport or fixing electricity meters that charge double.

The outpouring of support left the government, which has reeled over a string of scandals in the telecommunications, sports and defense industries allegedly involving billions of dollars, operating in crisis mode.

Wary of Hazare's declining health, Parliament agreed in a nonbinding resolution to create a series of powerful ombudsmen, or lokpals, able to sanction officials for corruption, and to write a "citizen's charter," setting out what services government agencies are required to provide.

Although many have been surprised by the success of Hazare's dramatic campaign, supporters here say it's a logical extension of his longtime activism in this village among the wheat fields.

A keen follower of Mohandas Gandhi, Hazare adopted Gandhi's nonconfrontational tactics, mounting several hunger strikes after 1991 to further his anti-graft agenda. But he's also reportedly said that corrupt officials should be hanged.

As he tried to improve villagers' lives by routing more state aid their way, he inevitably clashed with corrupt state and central government officials, honing his protest skills and taking on bigger targets.

Villagers here, speaking of Hazare in reverential tones, are convinced that he'll ultimately win his battle against the establishment, no matter what tricks politicians attempt. The activist is not affiliated with any political party.

"He's never lost a fight," said Sopan Ghane, 36, a teacher. "Because of Hazare, nothing's wrong in our village."

One of seven children in an impoverished family, Hazare did not go beyond the seventh grade; he sold flowers in Mumbai before joining the army in the early 1960s. In 1965, he was the only member of his unit to survive an aircraft strafing during the India-Pakistan war.

Whether prompted by shock, survivor's guilt or the memory of thoughts that he says almost drove him to suicide, Hazare vowed to remain a bachelor and devote his life to humanity, inspired by a revivalistic swami's book that he had bought at a railway kiosk.

"I felt that God wanted me to stay alive for some reason," he told the Times of India this year. "I was reborn in the battlefield."

Back in the village, he started with water projects, organizing labor and funds to construct dams and dig wells. Between morality campaigns, he upgraded the local Hindu temple — he lives in an austere 10-by-10-foot room off its main hall — and built schools, a farmer training center and food bank. He fought illiteracy and caste discrimination and he encouraged tree planting.

Productivity and income rose sharply.

"He got the water from the hills," said Madu Patel, 70, a farmer, recalling earlier days of mud houses and hunger pangs. "Some doubted him. But he's not abrasive, and the results soon convinced them."

From 2005 to 2010, local bank deposits tripled, said S.G. Kolhatkar, a branch manager, as farmers grew cash crops, boosted harvests and sold their produce farther afield at higher profit.

He also set up the Yadav Baba training center for dropouts, named after a local saint. "Before, I was a failure," said Suresh Shinde, 15, lining up to march for Hazare. "Now I want to be a cop. Not the corrupt kind, though."

Relatives say they grew used to his communalism. "I realized he was everyone's uncle," said his nephew Sunil Hazare, 24.

Villagers describe him as punctual, down to earth and something of a joker with children. When he sees garbage, they say, he picks it up, shaming others into following suit. When bigwigs show up expecting a feast, he serves them whatever the schoolchildren are eating.

He speaks in short, clipped phrases, but has an eye for political theater, periodically "dropping a bombshell" for effect.

Critics have accused him of bypassing democratic institutions and blackmailing leaders to further his agenda. He has accomplished a great deal in his village, but also made some tactical mistakes, said Shyam Pandharipande, a journalist who has followed his unusual social justice campaigns.

"He launched charges against officials without proof and was forced to apologize," Pandharipande said. "He loves adulation, knowing he can bring the government to its knees at the drop of his Gandhi cap. It goes to his head and he makes blunders."

Although Hazare's earliest supporters were farmers, his message recently has gained strong resonance with an Indian middle class fed up with petty corruption.

"Everyone pays bribes, no matter what they say," said Tony Vincent, a driver working near Ralegan Siddhi. "Otherwise you'll wait a long time for a driver's license, anything."

The Hazare narrative, of someone who sacrifices for others, is attractive to this awakened middle class, analysts say. "Who do you trust?" said Surinder Jodhka, a sociology professor at New Delhi's Jawaharlal Nehru University. "Someone without a direct personal stake, in contrast to the political class."

Hazare, who lost 17 pounds during that fast that ended last weekend, has downplayed his tough anti-alcohol policies, saying that village life is harsh and demands strong measures.

Ralegan Siddhi's village head, Jaysingh Mapare, said he's not sure whether tying up and humiliating offenders would work in cities where peer pressure is less effective. But he supports Hazare's actions.

"Hazare's strong and hit them with his belt because families were suffering," he said. "He shamed them and it was very successful. We need lots of Anna Hazares."

mark.magnier@latimes.com

 

अन्ना हजारे की सुरक्षा की चिंता या जासूसी!

Sep 04, 12:03 am

मुंबई, जागरण संवाददाता।

भ्रष्टाचार के विरोध में लड़ाई लड़ रहे अन्ना हजारे को महाराष्ट्र सरकार ने 'जेड' श्रेणी की सुरक्षा मुहैया कराई है। लेकिन, अन्ना ने ऐसी किसी सुरक्षा को अपने लिए अनावश्यक बताया है। सवाल उठ रहा है कि सरकार को वाकई अन्ना की सुरक्षा की चिंता है या वह अपने सुरक्षा तंत्र के जरिये अन्ना की निगरानी की कोशिश कर रही है।

जेड श्रेणी की सुरक्षा के तहत एक पुलिस वाहन के साथ दो सुरक्षा अधिकारी और चार हथियारबंद सुरक्षा गार्ड मुहैया कराए जाते हैं। पैतृक गांव रालेगण सिद्धि में रहते हुए या गांव से बाहर जाने पर ये लोग हमेशा अन्ना के साथ रहेंगे। अन्ना को इससे पहले भी सादे वस्त्रों में दो हथियारबंद सुरक्षा गार्ड दिए गए थे।

महाराष्ट्र गृह मंत्रालय के सूत्रों का कहना है कि अन्ना ऐसी किसी सुरक्षा व्यवस्था को इसलिए अनावश्यक मानते हैं क्योंकि यह उन्हें आम लोगों के बीच स्वतंत्रतापूर्वक घूमने और उनसे मिलने में बाधा बन सकती है। अन्ना के करीबी भी मानते हैं कि हाल के उनके आंदोलन के बाद उनसे मिलने-जुलने वालों की संख्या में काफी बढ़ोतरी हुई है। वह यह भी मानते हैं कि उनसे मिलने आने वालों में कोई उनके लिए खतरा भी बन सकता है। लेकिन, अन्ना ने एक बयान में कहा है कि उन्हें अपनी मौत का डर नहीं है क्योंकि सुरक्षाकर्मियों के रहते भी लोगों की हत्याएं होते देखी गई हैं।

गृह मंत्रालय के सूत्र इस बात का जवाब नहीं दे पाते कि क्या अन्ना की जान को कोई खतरा है? लेकिन, इससे पहले अन्ना को मारने के लिए 30 लाख रुपये की सुपारी देने का एक मामला सामने आ चुका है। यह सुपारी महाराष्ट्र की सत्ता में शामिल रहे उन नेताओं की तरफ से ही दी गई थी जिनके खिलाफ अन्ना ने भ्रष्टाचार के मामले उजागर किए थे।

अन्ना हजारे : रालेगन सिद्धि का 'सिद्ध पुरुष'

 

अन्ना हजारे को आज भले ही पूरा देश एक 'जन-नायक' के रूप में जान रहा हो, भले ही वे दूसरे गांधी के रूप में ‍चर्चित हो गए हों, भले ही जमशेदपुर के ख्यात कॉलेज में अन्ना के आंदोलन को मैनेजमेंट के चेप्टर के रूप में शामिल कर लिया गया हो, भले ही उनके अहिंसक आंदोलन ने पूरी दुनिया को एक नया सबक दिया हो...और भले ही इस 74 साल के 'जवान' ने समूची सरकार के साथ ही संसद को सांसत में डाल दिया हो, लेकिन आज यह नाम एक 'ब्रांड' बन गया है। अन्ना ने अपने पैतृक गांव रालेगन सिद्धि में जो क्रांतिकारी परिवर्तन किए हैं, उससे दूसरे भी प्रेरणा ले सकते हैं।

अन्ना का गांव एक मॉडल : अन्ना ने जिस तरह से अपने गांव का उद्धार किया है, वह एक मॉडल बन गया है। उनके गांव में स्टेडियम, अस्पताल और बढ़िया स्कूल है। गांव के उत्थान के लिए अन्ना ने जो काम किए हैं, वे एक मिसाल बन गए हैं। अन्ना के रालेगन सिद्धि को बहुत कम लोग जानते थे, आज पूरी दुनिया उससे परिचित हो गई है।

अन्ना इसलिए घर नहीं आते : समाज सेवा के लिए अविवाहित रहे अन्ना हजारे 35 सालों से अपने घर नहीं गए हैं और उन्हें अपने भाइयों के बच्चों के नाम तक मालूम नहीं हैं। उनके छोटे भाई मारुति बाबूराव हजारे ने कहा कि अन्ना इसलिए घर नहीं आते कि कहीं उन पर यह आरोप नहीं लगे कि वे घर की मदद कर रहे हैं।

घर का खाना भी नहीं खाते : अन्ना के भाई की बहू ने बताया कि रालेगन में जब भी अन्ना रहते हैं तो उनका खाना सेंटर से ही आता है। कभी हम उन्हें खाना भेजते भी हैं तो वापस लौटा देते हैं। हां, कभी घर में पूरणपोली बनती है तो उसकी जरूर इच्छा रहती है कि वे उन तक पहुंचाई जाए।

अन्ना की सेहत का राज : आज 74 साल की उम्र में भी देश का यह 'दूसरा गांधी' इतना फिट क्यों है? इस सवाल का जवाब है हर काम नियम से करना और खान पान के प्रति सचेत रहना। अन्ना सुबह 5 बजे उठते हैं। 2 किलोमीटर तक पैदल सैर के लिए जाते हैं। सैर से आने के बाद वे योगासन करते हैं। वे एक वक्त ही खाना खाते हैं। सुबह और शाम नाश्ते में फल या ज्यूस के अलावा और कुछ भोज्य पदार्थ नहीं लेते।

बचपन से ही जिद्दी स्वभाव : अन्ना के परिजनों ने बताया कि आज आप जिस अन्ना को देख रहे हैं, वह किसी जिद्दी इंसान जैसा भले ही हों, लेकिन यह स्वभाव सिर्फ जन लोकपाल बिल के जरिए नहीं निर्मित हुआ, बल्कि बचपन से ही वे ऐसे ही हैं। यदि किसी जिद पर अड़ गए तो वह पूरी होने तक अड़े ही रहते हैं।

एक गांव, एक गणपति : रालेगन सिद्धि कभी भी अन्ना हजारे का ऋण नहीं उतार सकेगा। उन्होंने गांव की भलाई के लिए इतने जतन किए हैं कि उसकी फेहरिस्त बनाई जाए तो वह बहुत लंबी हो जाएगी। 22 साल पहले रालेगन में अलग-अलग स्थानों पर गणपति की प्रतिमाएं स्थापित की जाती थी। एक बार गणेश विसर्जन के वक्त दो गुटों में टकराव हो गया। तभी अन्ना ने ऐलान किया - 'एक गांव, एक गणपति'।

22 साल से रालेगण में एक गणपति : अन्ना की सीख का ही यह परिणाम है कि पूरे गांव में केवल एक ही स्थान पर गणपतिजी की प्रतिमा स्थापित की जाती है, जहां पूरा गांव एकत्र होकर विघन विनाशक की पूजा-अर्चना करता है। 22 सालों में यह पहला मौका था, जब गणेश स्थापना के वक्त अन्ना वहां मौजूद नहीं थे। जब पूजा चल रही थी, तब वे खराब स्वास्थ्य होने के कारण विश्राम कर रहे थे। (वेबदुनिया)

शातिर लोगों से भरी है सरकार- अन्ना हजारे

By visfot news network

मजबूत लोकपाल के मुद्दे पर 12 दिन के अनशन के बाद अपनी पहली सार्वजनिक सभा में अपने गांव रालेगढ़ सिद्धी में अन्ना हजारे ने आज संप्रग सरकार पर मजबूत लोकपाल लाने के प्रति ‘गंभीर नहीं होने’ का आरोप लगाया। हजारे ने कहा कि सत्ताधारी गठबंधन में ‘शातिर’ लोग और ‘शरारती’ गृह मंत्री शामिल हैं ।

दिल्ली में 28 अगस्त को अपना अनशन तोड़ने के बाद हजारे ने आज लोगों से आग्रह किया कि वे हर स्तर पर भ्रष्टाचार को खत्म करने के लिए सरकार को ‘बार-बार झटके’ दें। हजारे ने अपने हाल के अनशन के संदर्भ में कहा, ‘‘भारत को भ्रष्टाचार से मुक्त बनाने के लिए हमें बार-बार ऐसे झटके देने होंगे ।’’

दिल्ली के पास के एक अस्पताल में उपचार के बाद बुधवार को अपने घर पहुंचे हजारे का यहां गर्मजोशी से स्वागत किया गया । हजारे के ग्रामीणों को संबोधित करने के दौरान यहां बहुत से लोग मौजूद थे । हजारे ने अपने गांव की ग्राम सभा को संबोधित करते हुए कहा, ‘‘यह सरकार लबाड़ :शातिर: लोगों की भीड़ से भरी है । वे मुझे अनशन करने की अनुमति नहीं देना चाहते थे और उन्होंने दिल्ली के सभी मैदानों में निषेधाज्ञा लगा दी । जब उन्होंने जे पी पार्क के लिए अनुमति दी, तो उसमें भी बहुत सी शर्तें लगा दीं ।’’ उन्होंने कहा कि उनके हाल के आंदोलन की सफलता ने साबित कर दिया है कि सरकार को लोगों की इच्छा के आगे झुकना पड़ा ।

तीसरी आजादी कि लड़ाई- आर्थिक विषमता को रोकना- नरेंद्र

पटना,01.09.2011. अखिल भारतीय गोशाला संघ तथा अन्य संस्थाओं की ओर से आज भिखम्दास ठाकुरबाड़ी द्वारा संचालित रामानंदाचार्य विद्यालय परिसर में अन्ना हजारे समर्थक बलिदानी दिनेश यादव की स्मृति में हवन एवं श्रद्धांजलि तथा संकल्प सभा का आयोजन किया गया.

संत श्री पशुपतिनाथ वेद विद्यालय के आचार्य ब्रह्मचारी अमोलानंद एवं श्री उदय कुमार ओझा ने शांति हवन कराया जिसमें वेद विद्यालय के विद्यार्थियों के द्वारा वैदिक मन्त्रों का पाठ किया गया. इस मौके पर शहीद दिनेश यादव के ज्येष्ठ पुत्र, छोटे भाई अमरजीत एवं उनके मित्रों के साथ सर्फुद्दीनपुर गांव के कई ग्रामीण भी मौजूद थे.

साथ हीं साथ एक श्रधांजली तथा संकल्प सभा का आयोजन, अखिल भारतीय गोशाला संघ के राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष प्रो. रामपाल अग्रवाल नूतन की अध्यक्षता में आयोजित की गयी. इस मौके पर मुख्य अतिथि के रूप में बिहार के कृषि मंत्री नरेंद्र सिंह उपस्थित थे, जिन्होंने अन्य व्यक्तियों के साथ शांति हवन किया.

संकल्प सभा में तीन संकल्प लिए गये. अध्यक्ष श्री नूतन ने घोषणा की कि अखिल भारतीय गोशाला संघ (फेडरेशन) सम्बंधित तथा इक्षुक संस्थानों एवं अन्य लोगों तथा सरकार से आवश्यकतानुसार संपर्क कर बिहार सरकार से संपर्क कर बिहार के इस गांव को अगला रालेगन सिद्दी बनाया जायेगा, जिस क्रम में जल्द हीं एक टीम बनाकर रालेगन सिद्दी भी भेजा जायेगा.

कृषि मंत्री नरेंद्र सिंह 5000 रुपये शहीद के पुत्र गुड्डू को देते हुए 

मुख्य अतिथि मंत्री नरेंद्र सिंह ने कहा  कि हम इश्वर से प्रार्थना करते हैं की शहीद के परिवार को इश्वर मजबूती प्रदान करे. माननीय मंत्री ने स्व. दिनेश के पुत्र गुड्डू को वृद्ध दम्पति के लिए अपमी तरफ से 5000/= रुपये की राशि दी साथ हीं उन्होंने कहा कि अन्ना हजारे जी आगे बढे हैं, यह देश को जरूरत थी. लोकपाल बिल तो एक आधार होगा देश में भ्रष्टाचार से लड़ने का, लेकिन आज सबसे महत्वपूर्ण है तीसरी आजादी की लड़ाई जो है “आर्थिक विषमता को रोकना”.

प्रो. नूतन ने गोशाला फेडरेशन की ओर से 11,111/= (ग्यारह हजार एक सौ ग्यारह) रुपये नगद शहीद के माता-पिता के देख-रेख के लिए दिया और साथ हीं उन्होंने कहा उनके माता पिता को खाने के लाले नहीं पड़ने दूंगा.

कार्यक्रम का संचालन समाजसेवी एवं जी एम् फ्री बिहार मूभमेंट के संयोजक पंकज भूषण ने किया. साथ में इस मौके पर डा. ए एन सिंह, चंद्रेश्वर पाण्डेय, सरदार कुलवंत सिंह सलूजा, तारकेश्वर ओझा, अधिवक्ता एवं समाजसेवी अरविंद कुमार, इकबाल इमाम, युवा प्रकश बबलू, मुसल्ल्ह्पुर के अन्ना समर्थक उपेन्द्र यादव तथा दाई नौकर संघ से श्री नेहाल अहमद मौजूद थे.

डा. अमरेन्द्र नारायण सिंह

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