Gathering at Kargil Chowk, Patna during fast

Gathering at Kargil Chowk, Patna during fast
ANNA HAZARE JINDABAAD

Tuesday, September 6, 2011

For Team Anna: Five lessons from California about direct democracy

Sep 7, 2011, http://www.firstpost.com/ideas/look-before-you-leap-team-anna-five-lessons-from-california-about-direct-democracy-77461.html

The next stop for the Anna Hazare express: Electoral reforms. Reject and Recall has a nice “throw the bums out” ring to it, that’s just in keeping with the post-Ramlila we-the-people mood prevailing in the country these days.
Just listen to this:
The opponents of direct legislation and the recall, however they may phrase their opposition, in reality believe the people cannot be trusted. On the other hand, those of us who espouse these measures do so because of our deep-rooted belief in popular government, and not only in the right of the people to govern, but in their ability to govern; and this leads us logically to the belief that if the people have the right, the ability, and the intelligence to elect, they have as well the right, ability, and intelligence to reject or to recall.
Sounds like Team Anna?  Except this is Hiram Johnson, California’s governor, addressing his citizens in 1911. Johnson gave California its great experiment with direct democracy. California has embraced it with gusto.
It’s recalled Gov. Gray Davis and installed Arnold Schwarzenegger.
It’s mandated that 2/3 of the legislature must approve tax hikes which basically means no tax hikes.
It’s put pretty much every contentious issue – affirmative action, same-sex marriage, marijuana – directly to the voters. And along the way a lot of bizarre ones as well – a ban on circumcision, rules for chiropractors, greyhound dog racing.
Now one hundred years after Hiram Johnson, California is broke, perpetually lurching from election to mid-term election to special election and issuing IOUs to its employees and vendors.
Direct democracy sounds like a great idea. It eliminates the middleman and lets the little guy tell the politicians what to do. “People like us will finally get a say in where our country is headed,” we think. It’s quick. It’s easy. It’s clean.
The only problem is democracy is not a packet of instant noodles. You can’t just add a cup of boiling anger and have it ready to serve in three minutes. The package looks great. But let’s look at the fine print before the slippery slope of direct democracy turns us into another California.
Ballot box budgeting. This sounds like a super idea. Instead of letting those politicians siphon off our money, how about we tell them exactly where we want it spent? Direct democracy does just that by setting aside money for issues that voters care about. But as more and more of the budget is locked away, there’s less and less money to go round for the rest of the government’s business –salaries, roads, police, firefighters. By some estimates 65-85% of California’s budget has been tied up through ballot measures, 40% towards education alone. “The irony is that the more the hands of the Legislature and governor are tied up, the more frustrated people are,” says Tim Hodson, director of the Center for California Studies at Cal State Sacramento.
The voter tends to look at the big headlines on TV, not the big picture. Reuters
Goodbye special interests. Not exactly. It takes a lot of money to keep the people’s democracy going. To get a referendum on the ballot, to collect signatures doesn’t just happen over Twitter and Facebook. It needs money. And guess who has the money? The same fat cats who once co-opted the politicians. So in 2006 LA real estate mogul Steve Bing pumped $50 million into his pet proposition to raise taxes on oil producers. The Mormon Church funneled millions of dollars into a campaign to ban same-sex marriages in California. In 2004 supporters spent $16.9 million just to qualify a proposition on non-tribal gambling expansion for the ballot. So much for the little guy setting the agenda by embarking on a fast.
Transparency and stability. Direct democracy is supposed to settle issues with the definitive bang of “the people have spoken.” Politicians can’t pretend they know what the voter wants and just push their own agenda. But it doesn’t quite work out that way. Every election settles an issue in California. Until the next election. If a referendum on affirmative action fails at the ballot one year, its backers immediately start plotting for the next go-around. Same sex marriage, gay rights, abortion rights  have all been going through a see-saw battle in the polls for years now. It creates, writes Troy Senik “a state of permanent revolution in California politics.” Not to mention a state of permanent elections.
Voter knows best. As the old song goes: Yeh public hai, sab jaanti hai. (This is the public, it knows everything).  Even, it seems, the fine print of the Indo-US nuclear deal. Prashant Bhushan recently stumped for referendums saying “It is wrong to say people do not understand these issues. There could have been a referendum for an issue like the Indo-US nuclear deal.”  Sorry, Mr. Bhushan, the individual just doesn’t know enough. Not even about your  Jan Lokpal bill. The voter tends to look at the big headlines on TV, not the big picture. Voters are fickle, they often contradict themselves. Poll after poll in California shows they oppose cutbacks in most of the big categories of spending like healthcare and education. But they don’t want a tax hike either. As Nathan Gardeis, an advisor to the Think Long Committee for California told the Economist, California has become a “diet-Coke civilisation of consumer democracy, of services without taxes, like sweetness without calories, of rights without duties”.
Recall is all about people power. They might give the people muscle. But they emasculate the legislature. That might not sound so bad but it means they will just pass the buck on tough decisions. Why take a tough stand if that could trigger a recall? Recalls sound like a good kick-in-the-butt kind of democracy in action. But just two cautionary words – Arnold Schwarzenegger.  He was the action hero of “people power” knocking out Gray Davis who had just been re-elected. It wasn’t exactly the grassroots revolution it’s made out to be. A Republican congressman actually poured $1.7 million of his car alarm fortune into it.  That election cost California $66 million. And as the success story of people power, it didn’t quite have a Hollywood ending.
In his last year in office, Schwarzenegger managed to garner the lowest job rating of any sitting governor in more than 50 years. His disapproval rating ended up around 75%, worse than the governor he ousted.
His fall from grace is in its way a textbook story about the promise and peril of direct democracy. Team Anna would do well to study it.
Be careful what you wish for. Sometimes you might just get it.

Anna effect: Traders' to broaden drive against FDI in retail

Inspired by the Anna Hazare effect, traders are chalking out an all-India action plan to build opinion against foreign direct investment in retail.
The plan includes a country-wide signature campaign, which will be submitted to the President, Ms Pratibha Patil, approaching all political parties, members of Parliament and State legislatures as well as civil society groups.
“We have begun the process of making presentations and the response from all political parties, including the BJP and Left, has been very positive,” Mr Praveen Khandelwal, Secretary General, Confederation of All India Traders (CAIT), said.
He was speaking on the sidelines of a national workshop on ‘Impact of FDI in Retail Sector of India', attended by experts and traders from 20 States.
Traders said despite the Parliamentary Standing Committee submitting its report in June 2009, Parliament had still not debated the issue. The panel, headed by Dr Murli Manohar Joshi, had recommended a ban on the entry of multinationals and big domestic corporates into retail trade.
Fearing an adverse impact on family-run retail business and “massive” unemployment, CAIT said FDI will not result in better prices for farmers and small producers. Instead, the Government should work out a strategy to upgrade and modernise existing retail trade, it added.
Mr Shekhar Swamy, Group CEO, R.K. Swamy Hansa, a marketing communication firm, said unlike other countries, the Indian retail market was balanced. “It is near perfect, as nobody dominates. Even top retailers' market share is in single digits,” he added.
He, however, said Indian retailers needed to modernise and allegations of adulteration and higher pricing margins need to be dealt with.
Recently, the high-powered Committee of Secretaries had given its nod for 51 per cent FDI in multi-brand retail. The final decision now rests with the Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs.
At present, FDI up to 100 per cent is allowed in wholesale trade and up to 51 per cent in single-brand retail. The size of India's retail market is estimated at Rs 15 lakh crore, of which 96 per cent is with the self-organised sector.

Police reply to notice on Anna arrest

, TNN | Sep 7, 2011
NEW DELHI: In a reply to a NHRC notice on whether Anna Hazare's arrest was a violation of human rights, Delhi Police has said that it never intended to send Anna to Tihar Jail.
It was the Gandhian's dogged refusal to take a legal recourse that had bound the magistrate to send him to judicial custody, said police. In its reply, police said the arrest was necessary to maintain peace and the rule of law.
Senior police officers said that the arrest was necessary as Anna had announced on TV that he would fast at JPN Park though he had been refused the permission to do so. This would have led to commission of a cognizable offence under Section 151.Cops said that there was no other way from stopping the breach of peace and they were forced to arrest Anna.
Delhi Police's official reply to National Human Rights Commission's notice came after the human rights watchdog issued a notice on the complaint of one Amrita Sudan Chakrabarty from MANAB, a human rights group of West Bengal. The complainant has accused Delhi Police for not only violating the human rights of Anna Hazare and his supporters, but also denying them their right to protest.
Meanwhile, cops said they were examining the video-recording of Anna's 13 days at the Ramlila Maidan. A local court on Monday had asked Delhi Police to file a status report of its probe into a complaint accusing Anna Hazare and his team of defaming the government and instigating innocent people during their anti-corruption campaign.
"The SHO of Kamla Nagar has begun the probe. We will analyze the footage and the speeches and a reply will be filed in due time,'' said Dharmendra Kumar, special CP (law and order).


Monday, September 5, 2011

A Guide to Government Anti-Corruption Tools

Project Vigeye : Launched in December 2010 by the Central Vigilance Commission of India,  Project Vigeye is an anticorruption program that allows individuals to lodge complaints against public officials, public enterprises, state governments or central government ministries. Complaints can be registered via the Internet, the telephone, or through an SMS. The project also allows for the uploading of audio, video and photo evidence. “Demo Videos” have been set up on YouTube to help those who want to use the process.
A total of 892 complaints have been filed since the project’s inception. The first project report, dated Jan. 11, lists a total of 93 complaints. Seven were dealt with in less than 48 hours, 21 were forwarded to State Vigilance Commissions and the rest were marked for further investigation.
Trap Cases: India’s premier investigative agency, the Central Bureau of Investigation, encourages public participation in “traps” to catch government officials demanding bribes. The CBI monthly report for June lists six successful trap operations, executed by citizens in New Delhi, Mumbai and Chandigarh.
The CBI also operates anticorruption hotlines; to find the one in your region, check here
Right to Information Act : Enacted by the Indian Parliament in 2005, the Right to Information Act has emerged as a powerful tool to mobilize public opinion on issues of national significance. Under provisions of the Act, citizens may request information from a “public authority” which is compelled to reply within 30 days of receipt.
The Act also requires each public department to computerize records for wide dissemination and pro-actively publish reports to minimize the need for citizen requests. RTIs can be filed, submitted and tracked through the central government’s online portal. 
Some estimates suggest more than one million RTIs have been filed over the last five years. 
To engage public opinion and greater participation, the central government also launched an RTI  fellowship earlier this year.
Portal for Public Grievances: A central government initiative launched in 2007, the online Portal for Public Grievances seeks to curb corruption among central and state departments. Citizens can lodge complaints against a corrupt central or state official or a central or state-run ministry through the portal. Citizens can also view their application status, send reminders and seek clarification on complaints lodged through the website.
Various state governments also have initiated campaigns to combat corruption. The Maharashtra state government, for instance, launched its own “trap cases” program modeled on that of the CBI.  And the Bihar Rural Development Ministry is using social media tools including YouTube to try to monitor corrupt dealings at the Indira Awas Yojana, a housing project for the underprivileged.
Have you used any of the services above? We are interested in your experience and in whether these programs were efficient in curbing corruption. Please let us know in the Comments.

Why Was Hazare Such a Media Hit?

As the drama of Anna Hazare’s anticorruption hunger strike unfolded, India was glued to its television screens.
In the two weeks that surrounded his fast, the viewership of news channels skyrocketed: Around 2.5 million more people a week turned to news channels during the Hazare agitation than in earlier weeks. The figures were measured for the weeks starting Aug. 14 and Aug. 21.
In the week through Aug. 27, a day before Mr. Hazare’s fast-breaking ceremony, news channels had 15% of television share, up from an average of roughly 9%, according to latest available data provided by News Content Track, a tool of media research firm TAM. In this period, reports on the Lokpal bill dominated India’s 24-hour news cycle, accounting for 83.4% of viewed news stories.
So what is it that made Mr. Hazare’s fast such a media hit? There was, of course, the appeal of their cause: to press the government to pass their own, tougher version of their anticorruption bill. And many among the throngs that showed up at the Ramlila grounds hailed from the aspirational middle classes that are a television network’s dream audience.
But Team Anna also deserves a lot of PR cred. This contrasts sharply with the government’s handling of the crisis, which could have been worse, but not much worse.
Here are a few things that we felt Mr. Hazare and his team – led by former policewoman Kiran Bedi, India Against Corruption founder Arvind Kejriwal and activist lawyer Prashant Bhushan – got right:
Timing. Team Anna’s decisions have been consistently well-timed to maximize effectiveness and media exposure. Look at the timing of Mr. Hazare’s first fast: it started right after the cricket World Cup and ended before the Indian Premier League was in full swing. Overlapping with either sporting event would’ve stolen some of the limelight from his anticorruption protest.
Ahead of the second fast that began in mid-August, Anna’s camp refused to comply with a police order that it should not last more than three days. This led to Mr. Hazare’s brief stint at Delhi’s Tihar Jail, an episode that backfired spectacularly against the government. Not only did support for the 73-year old activist swell, his refusal to leave prison unless he could stage a hunger strike on his own terms was one of his team’s best-played hands.
Associated Press
Baba Ramdev wearing women’s clothes: not a great PR move.
(One can’t help wonder what yoga guru Baba Ramdev, whose anticorruption fast earlier this summer ended rather unglamorously, would’ve done had he been in Mr. Hazare’s place – perhaps attempted to escape from prison in a police uniform?)
Mr. Hazare’s decision to break his fast on Sunday morning – rather than Saturday evening, when a deal with Parliament that laid the ground for the fast’s end was reached – allowed for a full day of coverage on the issue. (Announcing Mr. Hazare’s decision to end his hunger strike, Ms. Bedi tweeted that “Anna is known to have never broken his fast after sunset…This is his decision again.”)
Personality politics. Mr. Hazare’s movement would never had garnered the support it did had it not been for Mr. Hazare’s Gandhian reputation and for Team Anna’s other high-profile leaders. For many, they epitomized honesty at a time when a string of corruption allegations marred the political class. Mr. Kejriwal and Ms. Bedi both have a proud record of their time working in the public sector, as an income-tax officer and a senior policewoman, respectively.
Although the reputation of Mr. Bhushan and his father Shanti, both senior lawyers, have been tarnished after Bhushan senior was accused of attempting to fix a judge, allegations he denies, both are well-known for vociferously championing public causes in court. Mr. Hazare also attracted a celebrity following: Aamir Khan, Anupam Kher  and Om Puri were just some of the big-name stars that rallied behind them. Yoga gurus including Art of Living Founder Sri Sri Ravi Shankar and Baba Ramdev also made their appearance at Ramlila’s fasting stage. All this gave the media plenty of fodder.
Patriotic symbolism. Team Anna styled their anticorruption campaign after India’s freedom struggle, inciting popular mobilization through symbols borrowed from a historical narrative most Indians are familiar with.
The second fast started a day after India’s Independence Day on Aug. 16, making calls for a “second Independence struggle,” ring especially familiar.
Mr. Hazare, who models his social activism on Mahatma Gandhi, even made a stop to the Independence leader’s memorial in New Delhi en route from Tihar to Ramlila grounds, the site of his public fast. There, a black-and-white picture of Gandhi towered over the stage for the whole 13 days.
When he broke the fast, the ceremony was made even more theatrical by the presence of two young girls, a Muslim and a Dalit who handed a glass of coconut water to the septuagenarian activist. This also helped counter earlier criticism that in his movement there was little space for Muslims and Dalits, a community traditionally at the bottom of India’s caste hierarchy.
His supporters’ patriotic chants, tricolor-striped cheeks, and ubiquitous Gandhi-style caps are likely to leave a lasting imprint on the popular imagination – and was media gold.
A well-oiled PR machine. Team Anna’s PR team regularly called press briefings and kept journalists up-to-date through text messages and their campaign’s main Web site. Mr. Hazare’s media volunteers, led by Aswathi Muralidharan, a member of Mr. Kejriwal’s NGO, were consistently responsive to media requests, even late at night. They were even good about picking up the phone, something government spokesmen are known to avoid. In the two-week period, Messrs. Bhushan and Kejriwal and Ms. Bedi frequently lent themselves to interviews and talk show appearances, which helped keep the momentum alive.
The Anna Camp also embraced social media. During the crisis Ms. Bedi was a prolific microblogger, tweeting breaking news including Mr. Hazare’s video appeal from Tihar jail and his decision to end the hunger strike.
Throughout the standoff, Team Anna spoke pretty much with one voice, an impressive feat considering the strong and outspoken personalities Mr. Hazare’s top aides are known to be.
Marketing the bigger picture. Marketing their campaign in favor of a specific piece of legislation – the Jan Lokpal Bill – as a broader movement against corruption was the movement’s key achievement.
They did this by tapping into people’s widespread revulsion against graft, through a rhetoric that focused more on opposing corruption in general than on the nitty-gritty of their proposed bill, which would’ve been a tougher premise for a mass movement.
This also meant their success could be measured on the mass support they rallied, not just on the concessions they got from the government. Let’s not forget that Mr. Hazare’s camp got little of what it originally hoped for: Parliament’s adoption, in full, of the Jan Lokpal Bill by the end of August. They settled instead for a non-binding resolution that includes some of their key demands but leaves other out, most notably that the Lokpal should have jurisdiction over the judiciary. It is unclear when the bill will finally be ready.
Garnering support for their version of the bill and saying no to corruption are two different things – yet Team Anna successfully blurred the lines.


Sunday, September 4, 2011

बुद्धिजीवियों से आग्रह है कि रास्ट्र-हित के लिए अपना-अपना निश्छल विचार दें

बुद्ध के धरती पर जन्मे और समृद्ध बिहार के रचयिता ''देश वाशियों के पूजनीय'' श्रीमान नितीश कुमार जी के द्वारा, बिहार वासियों को एक और तोहफा देने की तैयारी करने में लगे हुए हैं ,सूत्रों से पता चला है की अन्ना जी और सिविल सोसाइटी के सदस्यों को विचार-विमर्श के लिए आमंत्रित किया है जिससे की बिहार में एक सशक्त से सशक्त जनलोकपाल बिल बनाया जाय और इसे जल्द से जल्द लागु किया जाय और जनता को भ्रस्ताचार से मुक्ति दिलाई जाय ,एक तरफ देश की केंद्र सरकार,अन्ना जी और सिविल सोसाइटी के सदस्यों को तरह-तरह से प्रतारित किया जा रहा है ,वहीँ दूसरी तरफ बिहार की राज्य सरकार अच्छे काम करनेवाली टीम को उत्साहित कर रही है और केंद्र सरकार हतोत्साहित ?अब हम सबों को इनके बीच के अंतर को समझना होगा की कौन जनता के हित में काम कर रही है और कौन सिर्फ अपने हित के लिए ? इसमें बिहार सरकार में शामिल भाजपा भी खुलकर साथ दे रही है !!
बुद्धिजीवियों से आग्रह है कि रास्ट्र-हित के लिए अपना-अपना निश्छल विचार दें ,धन्यवाद !!
प्रबोध सिन्हा 
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मैं सत्ता के शिखर पर बैठा हूँ .........

मैं सत्ता के शिखर पर बैठा हूँ

मेरी रगों में हिटलर का खून है,
मुसोलिनी का मैं वंशज हूँ,
नाजी मेरा गुरू है,
रावण मेरा संरक्षक,
मैं सत्ता के शिखर पर बैठा हूँ .........

तुम अन्ना हो
बाबा हो
या अन्य कोई ताकतवर सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता

कुछ नही कर सकते
तुम मेरा
क्योंकि तुम कुछ नही हो

क्या है तुम्हारे पास ?
ये अदना सी जनता
जिसका अपना तो कोई बजूद ही नही है
जिसे हम
जब चाहे
हांक देते हैं
भेड़ बकरियों की तरह
जिसे हम लडाते रहे हैं
धर्म, जाति, भाषा और सम्प्रदाय के नाम पर
जिनको इस्तेमाल करते रहे हैं हम
चुनावों में

क्या बिगाड़ लोगे तुम मेरा ?.........

मेरे पास पुलिस है
प्रशासनिक अधिकारी मेरे तलुवे चाटते है
क़ानून को मैं ही बनाता हूँ
अपने और अपनों के फायदे के लिए
और जरूरत होने पर
मैं ही खुद बनाता हूँ
क़ानून से बच निकलने का रास्ता

और ये क़ानून
ये अधिकारी
ये पुलिस करती है
मेरे ही इशारे पर
अपनी अंतरात्मा को मार कर
एक पालतू कुते की मानिंद
करते है
मेरे आदेश का पालन

अगर कोई बाबा कोई अन्ना
करता है मेरी खिलाफत
करता है मेरे भर्ष्टाचार को उजागर

तो मैं
अपनी सारी ताकत लगा देता हूँ
उसके सफेद दामन को दाग दार करने में
और मेरा वादा है तुम सभी से
मैं पहुचाउंगा तुम्हे ही
जल्दी  बहुत जल्दी
जेल की सलाखों के पीछे
या फिर
मुझ में शामिल गुंडा तत्व
बहा देंगे
सरे राह
सरे आम
तेरा लहू पानी की मानिंद
और फिर मैं खुद ही
पहुच जाउंगा
तुम्हे महान
अति महान
महान कहने के लिए